AFRIPOL.ORGIDEAS HAVE CONSEQUENCES
NIGERIA: CORRUPTION THE BANE OF DEVELOPMENT
This house called Nigeria is in disarray, for a house divided against itself cannot stand. Corruption has raked the greatest havoc in Nigeria, it has adversely deformed the house. Nothing works in Nigeria from the frequent electric power blackout to the poorly financed primary school education. At the root of all Nigerian problem is corruption, it has eaten so deep into the fabric of the society that the foundation is crumbling. But all is not lost, many Nigerians are still committed to building a great, strong and united Nigeria, devoid of corruption. But where are the leaders who will commit to this vision of building a free and a prosperous African nation.
Nigeria is a nation endowed with both natural and human resources and is a major exporter of oil, but corruption has always been the bane of development in the most populous nation in Africa. When the natural and human resources of Nigeria are prudently harnessed, the result will be so tremendous that it will literally propel Africa to Olympian height.
Some of the leaders have little or no vision and therefore lack the where-withal to transform the system. They exploit the execution of white elephant projects as a bait to siphon money. This myopic inclination no doubt makes them shy away from the provision of basic amenities of life. Corruption is a clog on the wheel of development in any nation. With all intents and purposes, Nigeria supposes to be making waves in technology empowerment and economic advancement but could not, because she is enmeshed in corruption. The money meant to develop her infrastructures is being siphoned to foreign lands. These foreign accomplices, who assist to commit this heinous crime, use the money to develop theirs, while Nigerians are left battered and stricken with diseases and poverty. Poverty grows geometrically; the middle class has virtually disappeared, the few rich that exert power get richer. Graduates roam the streets with no job at sight. The obvious trend however, is a harbinger of calamity, apathy and destruction. Democracy cannot comfortably foster on such incursion. Corruption has done much damage to Nigeria, It has eroded trust, fairness and justice in this great country. Without Nigeria as an affirmative agent of progress, Africa may be unimaginably stagnant.
All the citizens especially the public servants must be made to shun corruption or worse still be ready to be punished to deter this evil. It is a vice that must be aggressively fought and won by any right thinking government. We must prove and demonstrate to ourselves and to friends, even to our foes that we as a people have sincerely renounced corruption in all its facets. The battle against this evil must be thorough and steady.
Our families, schools and religious institutions must help to circumvent this parasite devouring our society. In primary and secondary institutions, social studies must emphasis the culturalization of probity and good mannerism in order to instill trust and restraint in one. Our universities must introduce lectures on ethics that delineate good governance, self-discipline and patriotism. Our courts must play a vital role in the fight against corruption by dispensing justice, with expedite and fair trials.
Our leaders must lead by example so that hard work will be encouraged and emulated as against preference to quick and ill-gotten wealth. Probity and accountability must be the cornerstone of our management and administration in modern day Nigeria.
© 2007 AFRIPOL.org
HOME
Governor Bill Richardson: REVIEW ON AFRICA'S ENGAGEMENTS:
The Governor of New Mexico, Bill Richardson recently declared to seek Democratic party presidential nomination for 2008 American presidential election.
During his past tenures as Secretary of Energy and United States Ambassador to United Nations, he did travel to Africa’s hot spots on peace missions .
Governor Bill Richardson of New Mexico,USA
William Blaine "Bill" Richardson was born in November 15, 1947) is an American politician, a member of the Democratic Party and a candidate for President of the United States. He has served as a Congressman, United States Ambassador to the United Nations, and U.S. Secretary of Energy; he is presently the Governor of New Mexico. He was also chairman of the 2004 Democratic National Convention that nominated John Kerry for the presidency.
Richardson is the national chairman of Democratic governors association.
(L-R) Bill Richardson & Founder of Afripol, Emeka Chiakwelu at Houston World Affairs Council
*Below are the recent and past Africa's engagements by Mr.Bill Richardson.
Richardson heads for Sudan on Darfur mission
by Maxim KniazkovSun Jan 7, 2007
A prominent US Democratic politician with a wealth of experience in international crisis resolution is heading for Sudan as part of a goodwill mission aimed at ending the conflict in Darfur.
New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson will meet with high-level Sudanese officials in Khartoum in a bid to persuade them to accept an international plan that calls for deploying a joint African Union-United Nations peacekeeping force to stem violence in the region, said the Save Darfur Coalition, which is sponsoring the trip.
The conflict that has engulfed a hefty chunk of western Sudan erupted in February 2003, when ethnic minority rebels complaining of political and cultural marginalization launched an uprising, which was fiercely repressed by government troops and allied militias.
The violence sponsored by the Sudanese government and perpetrated by its Janjaweed militias has claimed at least 400,000 lives, displaced 2.5 million people and left more than 3.5 million men, women and children struggling to survive amid violence and starvation, according to coalition data.
The United Nations puts the death toll above 200,000.
Last August, the UN Security Council approved a resolution calling for a new 17,300-troop UN peacekeeping force to replace or supplement a much smaller and poorly equipped African Union mission.
Sudan strongly objected to the resolution and launched a major offensive in the region.
But in November, the United Nations, the African Union and Sudan reached a compromise agreement providing for a mixed AU-UN peacekeeping force -- a deal the Sudanese leader has formally accepted in writing but which has yet to be implemented.
During his talks in Khartoum, said members of the coalition, Richardson and his colleagues will try to nudge the process forward.
"The US has an opportunity to use leadership and diplomacy to help, and if I can play even a small part in that effort I am ready to do it," the New Mexico governor said in a statement. "This is a bipartisan, humanitarian effort by both Democrats and Republicans to help find a resolution to this ongoing tragedy."
Richardson, who is often mentioned as a possible 2008 Democratic presidential candidate, has a long history of dealing with foreign leaders not friendly to the West.
In 1995, he negotiated with then-Iraqi president Saddam Hussein the release of two US aerospace workers, who had been captured by the Iraqis after wandering over the Kuwaiti border.
The next year he worked in Sudan, when he secured the release of an American pilot and two Red Cross workers, who were being held hostage by Sudanese rebels.
Last September, he successfully negotiated with Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir the release of Chicago Tribune reporter Paul Salopek, who was being held in a Sudanese prison on espionage charges.
He gained more international experience in 1997 and 1998 when he served as US ambassador to the United Nations.
Save Darfur Coalition Executive Director David Rubenstein said Richardson has "a proven track record of diplomatic success with the Sudanese government, and we are hopeful he can persuade Sudan to accept a full three-phase plan for a peacekeeping force in the region and a cease fire to protect the people of Darfur."
The delegation, which also includes retired diplomat Larry Rossin, and former Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon, will also push for a cease fire in the region, according to people involved in planning the trip.
"This is a crisis of incredible proportions -- millions of lives in the Darfur region are at risk from war, disease, and malnutrition," Richardson said. "The people of the region are desperately looking for help from the international community, especially the United States."
The United States had given Khartoum until January 1 to accept the UN proposal or face coercive action to end the Darfur conflict.
US Secretary of Energy Bill Richardson announces Africa Initiative during Howard University visit
WASHINGTON, DC, April 1, 1999 -- During an address delivered in the School of Business Auditorium, U.S. Secretary of Energy Bill Richardson commemorated the year anniversary of President Clinton’s historic trip to Africa by announcing his department’s Africa Initiative. The program is aimed at facilitating economic growth in Africa by developing trade and investment opportunities. Secretary Richardson, who spoke to a room full of students, professors and foreign affairs experts, outlined the initiative’s main goals, which include encouraging market development through strengthened regional integration, reducing greenhouse gas emissions with clean energy technologies, and partnering with non-government organizations, private industry and government agencies. He also took time during the April 1 address to give details on an autumn 1999 meeting on energy infrastructure that will serve as the initiative’s cornerstone event.
After a question and answer session, the floor was turned over to a panel of industrial and African government leaders to discuss the U.S.’s energy investment in Africa. Participating speakers included Calvin Humphrey, the Department of Energy’s principal deputy assistant secretary; Botswanan Ambassador Archibald Mogwe; Ugandan Ambassador Edith Ssempala; Seth Evans Adoo, minister-counselor for trade and investment at the Embassy of Ghana; PEER Consultants President Lilia Abron; John Charmberlain, director of international business development for TRESP; Sunlight Power President Mark Opel; and Howard University Electrical Engineering Chair James Momoh, Ph.D.
Online NewsHour: Ambassador Bill Richardson-- July 28, 1997 : ON TROUBLED CONGO REPUBLIC
MARGARET WARNER: All right. Let's switch to the Congo. When you met with Laurent Kabila, the rebel leader who's become the president, six weeks ago, you said you thought you had a real breakthrough in terms of his commitment to democratization and human rights. What's your assessment now?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, the jury is still out on Kabila. The next step has to be whether he allows full access for a UN investigative team that has gone in there to look at some very serious reports of massacres, repatriation, and refugee problems. The next step has to be Kabila respecting human rights, continuing his efforts to have elections in two years, having a bipartisan cabinet, not having these riots where there are alleged reports of killings.
The jury is still out on this guy. The United States and the international community are prepared to help him but only if he pursues significant political, economic, and social reforms, and these human rights issues. If he doesn't, he's going to end up isolated. So far, the jury's still out. He made some positive steps. I say let's wait until this UN team is in there. There's been an advance team. They're about to go in, appointed by the Secretary-General. Let's see how Kabila reacts to them. That's going to be his big testing ground. If he is reluctant to give them full access and plays games with the team, as he has in the past, he doesn't live up to the commitment he made to me and to Secretary-General Annan and in the international community, then he's going to be isolated, and he's not going to get help.
MARGARET WARNER: Human Rights Watch and some other human rights groups were critical of Secretary-General Annan for essentially letting Kabila, if not dictate the membership of this investigative commission, to reject the first choice to head it. What's your view on that? Did Annan do the right thing, or should--
BILL RICHARDSON: I believe Annan was pragmatic and did the right thing. What happened was the previous human rights team got into horrendous negotiations with Kabila. Both sides lost credibility with each other, and the issue was going to be, is there going to be a team or not? Annan chose to name a team headed by distinguished UN human rights investigators. It's going to happen. It's not the perfect solution because the Kabilas of the world should not be able to dictate who investigates or doesn't. I think Annan was being pragmatic. We supported him in that effort, and we hope that Kabila totally gives access to this team that is looking at the massacres. If he doesn't, then there are going to be some very negative repercussions on Kabila and the way the international community can respond to help him.
MARGARET WARNER: Finally on Haiti, the UN mission, peacekeeping mission after three years, is supposed to end this Thursday, but the Secretary-General wants to extend it for four more months. You were just down there. Why now? Why is it necessary to do this?
BILL RICHARDSON: We need four more months of an international presence, of a UN presence, mainly to train local police there. We believe that four more months will allow us to get a very young, inexperienced Haitian national police to get the necessary mentoring and training. We believe after the four months there can be a reduced UN presence. We are confident in the Security Council in the next couple of days that we will get the mandate to renew it for four more months. The Russians and Chinese have agreed to support us. We believe that this investment in Haiti has resulted in a more peaceful, stable Haiti.
There are still problems there, but if we pull out prematurely, not complete this police training, appear to be just leaving lock, stock, and barrel, without a foundation that develops democratic institutions there, elections, a lot of other important civilian implementation measures, civilian police so that there can be law and order in a country that has a lot of crime problem, that we would be premature in leaving, but we're confident through American leadership and Canadian leadership and others that we've managed to keep the presence of the UN for four more months, and we think that's going to help enormously in rebuilding Haiti.
Online NewsHour: Ambassador Bill Richardson:
ZAIRE: PEACE POSSIBLE?
May 9, 1997
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Joining us now is Amb. Richardson. Thank you for being with us, Mr. Ambassador.
BILL RICHARDSON: Glad to be with you, Elizabeth.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: You’ve been talking to all the principals in this in the past nine or ten days. Please help us understand where things stand right now. Is any part of a plan for a peaceful transition in place?
BILL RICHARDSON: I do think a peaceful plan is still in place. The South Africans headed by Mandela and the United Nations special envoy Sanoun have a plan that involves a transition structure that Mobutu and Kabila, I believe, still might accept. It’s going to take another face-to-face meeting sometime next week, probably in the Congo in the middle of the week. A lot of shuttle diplomacy is going on between both sides, between the Francophone countries, they generally support Mobutu and some of the other states, the Anglophone states like Musavani and Uganda and others that are supporting Kabila.
I don’t think that a peaceful transition is dead yet. A lot of posturing takes place. At this very moment, I believe that Mobutu will return to Kinshasa before he heads for the Congo. He’s getting support. I believe he’s putting his affairs in order. But eventually I do believe there’s still a good chance of a peaceful, inclusive transition government. I really do believe that.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Can you lay out for us how it would work?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, in my judgment it will most likely be headed by Kabila. Obviously, he is not going to give that up, especially since he’s militarily at a very strong advantage. I believe that the transition government will include representatives from various factions in Zaire. The big issue is going to be how much of Mobutu’s people, if any at all, are part of that. What I think is also important is that Kabila, to get international support once he forms his government, is going to have to come into Kinshasa without bloodshed in a rather organized fashion, because there’s American lives at stake; there’s a lot of foreigners there, Belgians, French.
I believe that too that Kabila is going to have to immediately address the refugee problem, which is very serious, allow investigations by the U.N. into those massacres, do something about punishing those soldiers involved in those massacres, and lastly, allowing for expatriation to take place, that right now because of a number of problems is not taking place as efficiently as it should. And that’s why you have so many of these enormously difficult problems in that refugee component area of Kisangani and other parts of Eastern Zaire.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Let’s back up just a minute. Under this rather optimistic plan, as you lay it out, President Mobutu would return to Kinshasa in order to finish up there, perhaps make a final speech to the nation, something like that?
BILL RICHARDSON: I would expect that Mobutu wants to leave gracefully. The United States supports that. We would like to see an inclusive transition government that avoids bloodshed. The issue is going to be what kind of representation from the various factions are going to be part of this government. The United States would like to see all of the factions represented so there is reconciliation in Zaire, but what I believe will be very difficult for Kabila to give up will be the dominant role within that transitional government. And that’s what Mandela and the South Africans right now rather skillfully, in my judgment, are trying to put together.
The United States supports this process. We’re stepping back a little. We’ve put our full weight behind South Africa in these negotiations, and some of the states like Uganda and Tanzania that are supporting Kabila. We’ve pressed the Francophone countries to work with Mobutu, to let him go gracefully, but not to stick around much longer.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: So when the rebels say that they’ll only settle for a direct transfer of power from President Mobutu to Laurent Kabila, who, as you have said, does have the military vantage, it seems, you’re saying that’s not a definite position that can’t be changed; that they’re still maneuvering and working out some way to make it easier than that sounds?
BILL RICHARDSON: I believe right now what is happening is very, very intensive diplomacy on the part of the South Africans with the United Nations. We should help that process. We do think that it’s in everybody’s interest for a peaceful transition to take place. That means the Angolans step aside also; they’ve got, unfortunately, some negative intentions in terms of moving their troops into Zaire to pay back Mobutu.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Explain that a little bit.
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, over the years Mobutu has not helped the Angola government. He has supported Jonas Savimbi, an UNITA rebel leader, try to basically take over, and the Angolan government which is in power now wants to pay him back, and they don’t want to help Mobutu. They want him out militarily. That’s our judgment.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: They actually moved some troops into Zaire, I’ve read. Is that true?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, there’s reports of that. We warned the Angolans and told them that this was a bad move, that let’s respect the territorial integrity of Zaire, but what you see right now is the instability of Central America at stake. This is why it’s important to America’s interest, besides the humanitarian reasons. We’re pressing for a peaceful transfer, rather than violence, rather than other countries moving in, rather than a number of unstable factors, and that very strategically important part of Africa.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Mr. Ambassador, I’m going to come back to that in a second, but tell us first, what was it like meeting with both President Mobutu and with Laurent Kabila?
BILL RICHARDSON: Kabila is an interesting character. He’s very street smart. He’s pragmatic. He’s never governed anything--overwhelmed by the attention and the responsibility that it takes. I think that deep down there’s a man that realizes that he has to behave more responsibly; that he has to send a message to his troops that they can’t continue with some of these massacres; that he’s got to deal with the refugee problem; and he’s got to get international support. Mobutu, on the other hand, I believe was not facing reality. His advisers were not telling him that his military situation was in a bad condition; that he could still hang on.
rtunately, I was the bearer of a lot of bad news, but, nonetheless, I believe that Mobutu is now realistic; he’s a dignified person; he wants to go out gracefully. He is bitter at the United States and some of its other allies for not backing him, but the reality is that he’s lost support in Kinshasa and throughout the country, and Kabila is moving very aggressively. And the best thing that can happen is a peaceful, inclusive transitional government that leads to election.
This is what U.S. policy has been. This is what I was pushing in my envoy initiative that President Clinton wanted me to do. And hopefully, in the days ahead we will see a process that allows a peaceful, inclusive transition to take place, rather than Kabila coming in violently into Kinshasa and looting and other violence taking place in that city right now that is very thin and very fragile.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: What are Kabila’s troops doing right now?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, right now, they’re moving ahead. They’re circling Kinshasa. They’re moving into position. I believe that Kabila will allow these negotiations to take place before he moves his troops in a final push into Kinshasa. We pressured them very heavily to do that. But quite frankly, Elizabeth, he right now has the total upper hand militarily. I also believe that if he moves into Kinshasa, he will face very little resistance from Mobutu’s troops. The people of Zaire are tired of fighting. They want it to end. They want to get into a situation where stability comes forth. And quite frankly, I believe that Kabila right now, if he behaves responsibly, if he moves in peacefully, if he gets peaceful in the sense of an inclusive government and he deals with the refugees, the international community is going to give him a chance. But right now he has not made a good start by the way he has treated a lot of the refugee problems in Eastern Zaire.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: If this does not work out, as you laid out the possibilities, there are U.S. troops on hand to come in to rescue Americans in Kinshasa, is that right? How many U. S. troops, where are they, and what is their purpose?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, we have various troops positioned around Central Africa. We have a ship out there that is ready to take this evacuation. There are 300 or so Americans in the Kinshasa area that we have to protect. We have a plan coordinating with other countries, other foreign nationals there. We hope we don’t have to do that, but, if necessary, we’re ready to do that. This is why it’s critically important that a political settlement, a negotiated settlement, take place and that the entrance by Kabila into Kinshasa be a peaceful one; otherwise, there will be chaos and looting, a lot by Mobutu’s troops.
So I think the next few diplomatic days are critically important, and we should back the South Africans and Mandela. They’ve been very skillful; they’ve been very aggressive, along with the United Nations, to get both sides to accept an inclusive transitional government.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: On the international implications of this you’ve mentioned how many different countries--Zaire’s bordered by nine countries--many of them are involved in this. Explain that for us. What are the implications of that, to have Uganda, Rwanda, Angola, all involved in one way or another in this battle, mostly on Kabila’s side?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, what is at stake is a lot of strategic interests, a lot of mining and economic interests in a very fertile and rich, strategic region. Secondly, you’ve got the potential of a huge refugee humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions unless some stability is brought. And thirdly, you have basically a battle between the Francophone countries in West Africa and the newly emerging Anglo countries headed by countries like Uganda and Tanzania and others that are emerging. What you don’t want is both of them and all of them fighting each other in an unstable situation.
So a lot is at stake. Zaire is the heart of this area. Zaire is one of the largest countries--most populated countries in Africa--with enormous resources. As goes Zaire goes Central Africa. This is why it’s very important for there to be a stable end, rather than a violent end.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: And already, speaking of the mineral resources, American and other companies are--have already actually signed deals with Kabila, right, for copper and cobalt and other--other interests--
BILL RICHARDSON: That’s correct.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: For the minerals.
BILL RICHARDSON: That’s correct. Kabila is in control militarily, and he’s in control of some of the economic and other energy resources, diamond resources. That’s the reality. But that doesn’t mean that America and France and some of these countries in Europe that have interest in Zaire shouldn’t push as strongly as we can for a peaceful end, for a negotiated end, even though the military strength is clearly on one side. We do think that Mobutu deserves to have a peaceful transition. He is the leader of the country. He obviously has made a lot of mistakes.
Our relationship with Mobutu has not been very strong over the past few years. But at the same time, Kabila must realize that if he is going to take over, he’s got to be responsible; he’s got to enter Kinshasa in a peaceful way; he’s got to have market reforms; he’s got to have elections. Otherwise, the international community, the World Bank, donor countries are not going to help him. And he’s going to need that private investment and international assistance to survive, because literally Zaire right at this moment is falling apart.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: There have been reports, as you well know, and I think I read you had criticized Kabila for this; that the rebel troops headed by Kabila have massacred refugees in Zaire, and that he promised that this would stop, and that he would punish people who did it. What’s happened in the last four or five days, and what’s this current situation with the refugees?
BILL RICHARDSON: Well, Kabila made a commitment to me that he would allow a full investigation by U.N. agencies; that he wouldn’t have deadlines in some of the repatriation of refugees.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: These are refugees that would go back to--we should just remind people--Hutus--
BILL RICHARDSON: That’s right.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: --that left Rwanda and now want to go back to Rwanda in many cases.
BILL RICHARDSON: That he would punish those soldiers that were involved in some of the transgressions. I think there’s strong evidence that there have been these massacres. There should be a full investigation. Kabila, in my judgment, does not control all of his troops. Now that doesn’t excuse him, but we should press him very hard. He’s very sensitive to this criticism that we’ve got a huge humanitarian crisis that not just needs to be dealt with but will affect him, Kabila, in the future; if he doesn’t appear to be handling it in a humane way, he is not going to get help from the international community. In fact, he will become a pariah. I think he realizes this and is pragmatic enough to start dealing with this. If he doesn’t, he’s going to be a leader without any support once he gets in and makes international appeals.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Well, Mr. Ambassador, thanks for being with us.
BILL RICHARDSON: Thank you very much
HOME
